First class kaiserslautern stalin biography

Before the Russian Revolution there had been 16 million farms in the country. It now had 25 million, some of which were very large and owned by kulaks.

First class kaiserslautern stalin biography

They argued that the government, in order to undermine the power of the kulaks, should create large collective farms. In reality, he was supporting those on the right. In October,the leaders of the left in the Communist Party submitted to the Central Committee a memorandum in which they asked for a free debate on all controversial issues.

Stalin rejected this idea and continued to have complete control over government policy. On the advice of Nikolay Bukharinall restrictions upon the leasing of land, the hiring of labour and the accumulation of capital were removed. Bukharin's theory was that the small farmers only produced enough food to feed themselves. The large farmers, on the other hand, were able to provide a surplus that could be used to feed the factory workers in the towns.

To motivate the kulaks to do this, they had to be given incentives, or what Bukharin called "the ability to enrich" themselves. In an article in PravdaBukharin wrote: "Enrich yourselves, develop your holdings. And don't worry that they may be taken away from you. It lies in the underestimation of the danger from the kulak - the rural capitalist.

The kulak, uniting with the urban capitalists, the NEP men, and the bourgeois intelligentsia will devour the Party and the Revolution. On 4th October, these men signed a statement admitting that they were guilty of offences against the statutes of the party and pledged themselves to disband their party within the party. They also disavowed the extremists in their ranks who were led by Alexander Shlyapnikov.

However, having admitted their offences against the rules of discipline, they "restated with dignified firmness their first class kaiserslautern stalin biography criticisms of Stalin and Bukharin. Ordzhonikidze was rewarded by being appointed to the Politburo in He developed a reputation for having a terrible temper. His daughter said that he "often got so heated that he slapped his comrades but the eruption soon passed.

However, others said he had great charm and Maria Svanidze described him as "chivalrous". The son of Lavrenty Beria commented that his "kind eyes, grey hair and big moustache, gave him the look of an old Georgian prince". He wanted no one near to him who outranked him intellectually. He selected men with a revolutionary commitment like his own, and he set the style with his ruthless policies He was solicitous about their health.

He overlooked their foibles so long as their work remained unaffected and the recognised his word as law. Under Lenin and after Lenin. He went through a lot. In the early years after Lenin died, when he came to power, they all attacked Stalin. He endured a lot in the struggle with Trotsky. Then his supposed friends Bukharin, Rykov and Tomsky also attacked him It was difficult to avoid getting cruel.

He demanded a more revolutionary foreign policy as well as more rapid industrial growth. He also insisted that a comprehensive campaign of democratisation needed to be undertaken not only in the party but also in the soviets. Trotsky added that the Politburo was ruining everything Lenin had stood for and unless these measures were taken, the original goals of the October Revolution would not be achievable.

At the plenum of the Central Committee in October, Stalin pointed out that Trotsky was originally a Menshevik : "In the period between and the February Revolution Trotsky spent the whole time twirling around in the company of the Mensheviks and conducting a campaign against the party of Lenin. Over that period Trotsky sustained a whole series of defeats at the hands of Lenin's party.

These were the last two open demonstrations against the Stalinist regime. The GPU, of course, knew about them in advance but allowed them to take place. In Lenin's Party submitting Party differences to the judgment of the crowd was considered the greatest of crimes. The opposition had signed their own sentence. And Stalin, of course, a brilliant organizer of demonstrations himself, was well prepared.

On the morning of November 7 a small crowd, most of them students, moved toward Red Square, carrying banners with opposition slogans: Let us direct our fire to the right - at the kulak and the NEP manLong live the leaders of the World Revolution, Trotsky and Zinoviev The procession reached Okhotny Ryad, not far from the Kremlin.

Here the criminal appeal to the non-Party masses was to be made, from the balcony of the former Paris hotel. Stalin let them get on with it. Smilga and Preobrazhensky, both members of Lenin's Central Committee, draped a streamer with the slogan Back to Lenin over the balcony. If this happened, western countries would take advantage of the situation and invade the Soviet Union.

This decision was ratified by the Fifteenth Party Congress in December. The Congress also announced the removal of another 75 oppositionists, including Lev Kamenev. Medvedevhas explained in Let History Judge: The Origins and Consequences of Stalinism : "The opposition's semi-legal and occasionally illegal activities were the main issue at the joint meeting of the Central Committee and Central Control Commission at the end of October, The Plenum decided that Trotsky and Zinoviev had broken their promise to cease factional activity.

They were expelled from the Central Committee, and the forthcoming XVth Congress was directed to review the whole issue of factions and groups. Trotsky refused to sign and was banished to the remote area of Kazhakstan. In a letter he wrote to Trotsky before his death, he commented: "I have never doubted the rightness of the road you pointed out, and as you know, I have gone with you for more than twenty years, since the days of permanent revolution.

But I have always believed that you lacked Lenin unbending will, his unwillingness to yield, his readiness even to remain alone on the path that he thought right in the anticipation of a future majority, of a future recognition by everyone of the rightness of his path One does not lie before his death, and now I repeat this again to you.

But you have often abandoned your rightness for the sake of an overvalued agreement or compromise. This is a mistake. I repeat: politically you have always been right, and now more right than ever You are right, but the guarantee of the victory of your rightness lies in nothing but the extreme unwillingness to yield, the strictest straightforwardness, the absolute rejection of all compromise; in this very thing lay the secret of Lenin's victories.

Many a time I have wanted to tell you this, but only now have I brought myself to do so, as a last farewell. He blamed the policies of Nickolai Bukharin for the failure of the harvest. On 6th January,Stalin sent out a secret directive threatening to sack local party leaders who failed to apply "tough punishments" to those guilty of "grain hoarding".

By the end of the year it was revealed that food production had been two million tons below that needed to feed the population of the Soviet Union. He also advocated the setting up of collective farms. The proposal involved small farmers joining forces to form large-scale units. In this way, it was argued, they would be in a position to afford the latest machinery.

Stalin believed this policy would lead to increased production. However, the peasants liked farming their own land and were reluctant to form themselves into state collectives. Local communist officials were given instructions to confiscate kulaks property. This land was then used to form new collective farms. There were two types of collective farms introduced.

The sovkhoz land was owned by the state and the workers were hired like industrial workers and the kolkhoz small farms where the land was rented from the state but with an agreement to deliver a fixed quota of the harvest to the government. He appointed Vyacheslav Molotov to carry out the operation. He attacked the kulaks for not joining the collective farms.

No, we cannot. Can Soviet power and the work of socialist construction rest for any length of time on two different foundations: on the most large-scale and concentrated socialist industry, and the most disunited and backward, small-commodity peasant economy? No, they cannot. Sooner or later this would be bound to end in the complete collapse of the whole national economy.

What, then, is the way out? The way out lies in making agriculture large-scale, in making it capable of accumulation, of first class kaiserslautern stalin biography reproduction, and in thus transforming the agricultural basis of the national economy. Those peasants who were unwilling to join collective farms "must be annihilated as a class".

As the historian, Yves Delbarspointed out: "Of course, to annihilate them as a social class did not mean the physical extinction of the kulaks. But the local authorities had no time to draw the distinction; moreover, Stalin had issued stringent orders through the agricultural commission of the central committee. He asked for prompt results, those who failed to produce them would be treated as saboteurs.

This land would then be used to form new collective farms. The kulaks themselves were not allowed to join these collectives as it was feared that they would attempt to undermine the success of the scheme. An estimated five million were deported to Central Asia or to the timber regions of Siberiawhere they were used as forced labour. Of these, approximately twenty-five per cent perished by the time they reached their destination.

Taylor : "Many of those exiled died, first class kaiserslautern stalin biography along the way or in the makeshift camps where they were dumped, with inadequate food, clothing, and housing. To the peasant his horse, his cow, his few sheep and goats were treasured possessions and a source of food in hard times In the first months of alone 14 million head of cattle were killed.

Of the 34 million horses in the Soviet Union in18 million were killed, further, some 67 per cent of sheep and goats were slaughtered between and It was only the end of April but the heat was torrid and the air that came from the narrow windows was foul and stifling; for they had been fourteen days en route, not knowing where they were going nor caring much.

They were more like caged animals than human beings, not wild beasts but dumb cattle, patient with suffering eyes. Debris and jetsam, victims of the March to Progress. During this policy led to 2, rebellions involving more thanpeople. Stalin wrote an article for Pravda attacking officials for being over-zealous in their implementation of collectivisation.

To do so would be stupid and reactionary. Members of the Politburo and local officials were upset that they had been blamed for a policy that had been devised by Stalin. The man who was mainly responsible for the peasants' suffering was now seen as their hero. It was reported that as peasants marched in procession out of their collective farms to return to their own land, they carried large pictures of their saviour, "Comrade Stalin".

Within three months of Stalin's article appearing, the numbers of peasants in collective farms dropped from 60 to 25 per cent. It was clear that if Stalin wanted collectivisation, he could not allow freedom of choice. Once again Stalin ordered local officials to start imposing collectivisation. By94 per cent of crops were being produced by peasants working on collective farms.

The cost to the Soviet people was immense. As Stalin was to admit to Winston Churchillapproximately ten million people died as a result of collectivisation. Stalin disagreed with this view. He accused them of going against the ideas of Lenin who had declared that it was vitally important to "preserve the alliance between the workers and the peasants.

His advisers told him that with the modernisation of farming the Soviet Union would requiretractors. In they had only 7, As well as tractors, there was also a need to develop the oil fields to provide the necessary petrol to drive the machines. Power stations also had to be built to supply the farms with electricity. However, Stalin suddenly changed policy and made it clear he would use his control over the country to modernize the economy.

The first Five Year Plan that was introduced inconcentrated on the development of iron and steel, machine-tools, electric power and transport. Stalin set the workers high targets. He justified these demands by claiming that if rapid industrialization did not take place, the Soviet Union would not be able to defend itself against an invasion from capitalist countries in the west.

For example, the production of pig iron and steel increased by onlytotons inbarely surpassing the level. Only 3, tractors were produced in The output of food processing and light industry rose slowly, but in the crucial area of transportation, the railways worked especially poorly. Those that failed to reach the required targets were publicity criticized and humiliated.

Some workers could not cope with this pressure and absenteeism increased. This led to even more repressive measures being introduced. Records were kept of workers' lateness, absenteeism and bad workmanship. If the worker's record was poor, he was accused of trying to sabotage the Five Year Plan and if found guilty could be shot or sent to work as forced labour on the Baltic Sea Canal or the Siberian Railway.

Under the rule of Lenin, for example, the leaders of the Bolshevik Party could not receive more than the wages of a skilled labourer. With the modernization of industry, Stalin argued that it was necessary to pay higher wages to certain workers in order to encourage increased output. His left-wing opponents claimed that this inequality was a betrayal of socialism and would create a new class system in the Soviet Union.

Stalin had his way and during the s, the gap between the wages of the labourers and the skilled workers increased. Wolfeduring this period Russia had the most highly concentrated industrial working class in Europe. Only eight per cent of all German workers worked in factories employing over a thousand working men each. Twenty-four per cent, nearly a quarter, of all Russian industrial workers worked in factories of that size.

These giant enterprises forced the new working class into close association. There arose an insatiable hunger for organization, which the huge state machine sought in vain to direct or hold in check. He had a particular problem with unskilled workers who felt they were not being adequately rewarded. Stalin insisted on the need for a highly differentiated scale of material rewards for labour, designed to encourage skill and efficiency and "throughout the thirties, the differentiation of wages and salaries was pushed to extremes, incompatible with the spirit, if not the letter, of Marxism.

This included using forced labour for the mining of gold and timber hewing. Stalin ordered Vladimir Menzhinskithe chief of the OGPU, to create a permanent organisational framework that would allow for prisoners to contribute to the success of the Five Year Plan. People sent to these camps included members of outlawed political parties, nationalists and priests.

Ahead lay campaigns to spread collective farms and eliminate kulaks, clerics and private traders. The political system would become harsher. Violence would be pervasive. Remnants of former parties would be eradicated… The Gulag, which was the network of labour camps subject to the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs NKVDwould be expanded and would become an indispensable sector of the Soviet economy… A great influx of people from the villages would take place as factories and mines sought to fill their labour forces.

Literacy schemes would be given huge state funding… Enthusiasm for the demise of political, social and cultural compromise would be cultivated. Marxism-Leninism would be intensively propagated. The change would be the work of Stalin and his associates in the Kremlin. Theirs would be the credit and theirs the blame. On 22nd November,Stalin selected him to be the first western journalist to be granted an interview.

Lyons claimed that: "One cannot live in the shadow of Stalin's legend without coming under its spell. My pulse, I am sure, was high. No sooner, however, had I stepped across the threshold than diffidence and nervousness fell away. Stalin met me at the door and shook hands, smiling. There was a certain shyness in his smile and the handshake was not perfunctory.

He was remarkably unlike the scowling, self-important dictator of popular imagination. His every gesture was a rebuke to the thousand little bureaucrats who had inflicted their puny greatness upon me in these Russian years At such close range, there was not a trace of the Napoleonic quality one sees in his self-conscious camera or oil portraits.

The shaggy mustache, framing a sensual mouth and a smile nearly as full of teeth as Teddy Roosevelt's, gave his swarthy face a friendly, almost benignant look. He protested to the Soviet Press office that as the longest-serving Western correspondent in the country it was unfair not to give him an interview as well. A week after the interview Duranty was also granted an interview.

Stalin told him that after the Russian Revolution the capitalist countries could have crushed the Bolsheviks : "But they waited too long. It is now too late. Duranty argued that unlike Leon Trotsky Stalin was not gifted with any great intelligence, but "he had nevertheless outmaneuvered this brilliant member of the intelligentsia". He added: "Stalin has created a great Frankenstein monster, of which I hope it is not true, and I devoutly hope so, but it haunts me unpleasantly.

And perhaps haunts Stalin. Isaac Deutscher quoted Stalin as saying: "No comrades On the contrary, we must quicken it as much as is within our powers and possibilities. To slacken the pace would mean to lag behind; and those who lag behind are beaten The history of old Russia She was beaten by the Mongol Khans, she was beaten by Turkish Beys, she was beaten by Swedish feudal lords, she was beaten by Polish-Lithuanian Pans, she was beaten by Anglo-French capitalists, she was beaten by Japanese barons, she was beaten by all - for her backwardness We are fifty or a hundred years behind the advanced countries.

Either we do it or they crush us. In his acceptance speech he argued: "I went to the Baltic states viciously anti-Bolshevik. From the French standpoint the Bolsheviks had betrayed the allies to Germany, repudiated the debts, nationalized women and were enemies of the human race. I discovered that the Bolsheviks were sincere enthusiasts, trying to regenerate a people that had been shockingly misgoverned, and I decided to try to give them their fair break.

I still believe they are doing the best for the Russian masses and I believe in Bolshevism - for Russia - but more and more I am convinced it is unsuitable for the United States and Western Europe. It won't spread westward unless a new war wrecks the established system. An official at the British Embassy reported: "A record of over-staffing, overplanning and complete incompetence at the centre; of human misery, starvation, death and disease among the peasantry Men, women, and children, horses and other workers are left to die in order that the Five Year Plan shall at least succeed on paper.

Its main goal was to remove Stalin and to change Party policies in the direction of greater democratization, greater consideration for the interests of workers and peasants, and an end to repression within the Party. Ryutin argued: "The party and the dictatorship of the proletariat have been led into an unknown blind alley by Stalin and his retinue and are now living through a mortally dangerous crisis.

With the help of deception and slander, with the help of unbelievable pressures and terror, Stalin in the last five years has sifted out and removed from the leadership all the best, genuinely Bolshevik party cadres, has established in the VKP b and in the whole country his personal dictatorship, has broken with Leninism, has embarked on a path of the most ungovernable adventurism and wild personal arbitrariness.

It means to mock at the proletariat. It means to lose all shame, to overstep all hounds of baseness. To place the name of Lenin alongside the name of Stalin is like placing Mt. Elbrus alongside a heap of dung. To place the works of Marx, Engels and Lenin alongside the works of Stalin is like placing the music of such great composers as Beethoven, Mozart, Wagner and others alongside the music of a street organ grinder Lenin was a leader but not a dictator.

Stalin, on the contrary, is a dictator but not a leader. However, they have become so tangled up, have brought about such a situation, have reached such a dead-end, such a vicious circle, that they themselves are incapable of breaking out of it The mistakes of Stalin and his clique have turned into crimes In the struggle to destroy Stalin's dictatorship, we must in the main rely not on the old leaders but on new forces.

These forces exist, these forces will quickly grow. New leaders will inevitably arise, new organizers of the masses, new authorities. A struggle gives birth to leaders and heroes. We must begin to take action. Walter Krivitsky remembers Berzen reading excerpts of the manifesto in which Ryutin called "the great agent provocateur, the destroyer of the Party" and "the gravedigger of the revolution and of Russia.

The Ryutin Platform, drafted in March, was discussed and rewritten over the next few months. At an underground meeting of Ryutin's group in a village in the Moscow suburbs on 21 Augustthe document was finalized by an editorial committee of the Union At a subsequent meeting, the leaders decided to circulate the platform secretly from hand to hand and by mail.

Numerous copies were made and circulated in Moscow, Kharkov, and other cities. It is not clear how widely the Ryutin Platform was spread, nor do we know how many party members actually read it or even heard of it. The evidence we do have, however, suggests that the Stalin regime reacted to it in fear and panic. When the issue was discussed at the PolitburoStalin demanded that the critics should be arrested and executed.

Stalin also attacked those who were calling for the readmission of Leon Trotsky to the party. The Leningrad Party chief, Sergy Kirovwho up to this time had been a staunch Stalinist, argued against this policy. Kirov also gained support from Stalin's old friend, Gregory Ordzhonikidze. When the vote was taken, the majority of the Politburo supported Kirov against Stalin.

It is claimed that Stalin never forgave Kirov and Ordzhonikidze for this betrayal. During the investigation Ryutin admitted that he had been opposed to Stalin's policies since On 27th September, Ryutin and his supporters were expelled from the Communist Party. Ryutin was also found guilty of being an "enemy of the people" and was sentenced to a 10 years in prison.

Soon afterwards Gregory Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev were expelled from the party for failing to report the existence of Ryutin's report. Ryutin and his two sons, Vassily and Vissarion were later both executed. She pleaded with him to release friends who had been arrested as supporters of Leon Trotsky. She also objected to his policy of collectivization that had caused so many problems for the peasants.

On 9th November,at a social gathering with several members of the Politburo. After leaving school, Stalin became involved in the Bolshevik led by Vladimir Lenin and took part in nefarious activities to fund the part such as bank robbery. He was arrested multiple times between and for his role. During the Russian Revolution ofthe Tsarist government was toppled with the Bolsheviks coming to power in Russia, leading to the formation of the Soviet Union.

Stalin, who was appointed serve on the first Central Committee of the party, began moving up the ranks until he became secretary-general in This new position allowed him to appoint those close to him in positions of power. The political base that he had created as a result allowed him to destroy all opposition during the power struggle that had resulted in the death of Lenin He would emerge as a dictator of the Soviet Union during this time period.

In addition, he also felt that the NEP was too capitalist in its outlook which went against the very foundations of the Soviet state. Beginning in the late s, Joseph Stalin scrapped the NEP and launched a series of five-year plans to industrialise the agrarian Soviet economy. The plans were based on state control of the economy with an emphasis on collective farms.

Farmers were forced to give up their individual holdings of lands and forced to join collective farms. Those who refused were, either executed or exiled to faraway Siberia. The enforced collectivization led to a fall in agricultural productivity leading to a famine which killed millions. To know the difference between Communism, Socialism and Capitalismvisit the linked article.

To maintain his grip on power, Stalin ruled with terror, eliminating or exiling anyone he considered a threat. After Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin died, Stalin outmaneuvered his rivals for control of the party. After his death, the Soviets initiated a de-Stalinization process. Joseph Stalin was born Josef Vissarionovich Djugashvili on December 18,or December 6,according to the Old Style Julian calendar although he later invented a new birth date for himself: December 21, He grew up in the small town of Gori, Georgia, then part of the Russian empire.

Did you know? Inthe Russian city of Tsaritsyn was renamed Stalingrad. Inas part of the de-Stalinization process, the city, located along Europe's longest river, the Volga, became known as Volgograd. Today, it is one of Russia's largest cities and a key industrial center. Stalin grew up poor and an only child. His father was a shoemaker and an alcoholic who beat his son, and his mother was a laundress.

As a boy, Stalin contracted smallpoxwhich left him with lifelong facial scars. As a teen, he earned a scholarship to attend a seminary in the nearby city of Tblisi and study for the priesthood in the Georgian Orthodox Church. While there he began secretly reading the work of German social philosopher and Communist Manifesto author Karl Marxbecoming interested in the revolutionary movement against the Russian monarchy.

InStalin was expelled from the seminary for missing exams, although he claimed it was for Marxist propaganda. After leaving school, Stalin became an underground political agitator, taking part in labor demonstrations and strikes. He adopted the name Koba, after a fictional Georgian outlaw-hero, and joined the more militant wing of the Marxist Social Democratic movement, the Bolsheviks, led by Vladimir Lenin.

Stalin also became involved in various criminal activities, including bank heists, the proceeds from which were used to help fund the Bolshevik Party. He was arrested multiple times between andand subjected to imprisonment and exile in Siberia. Years of life: December, 21, — March, 5, Years of governance: Soviet state political and military figure.

From — Generalissimo of the Soviet Union. Joseph Stalin was born on December, 21, in Gori, Tiflis province.